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Home » The Business of War: Why the US Dominates 43% of Global Arms Exports

The Business of War: Why the US Dominates 43% of Global Arms Exports

March 12, 2026 International
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The business of war encompasses the intricate and often troubling relationship known as the military-industrial complex (MIC), which intertwines a nation’s government, its military, and the private corporations that supply defence equipment. This relationship transcends a mere procurement system; it has morphed into what some experts describe as a “mutual extortion racket.”

In this arrangement, each entity operates primarily out of self-interest, leading to a disastrous collective outcome. Industry players contribute to political campaigns and offer lucrative employment prospects for government officials, while the government reciprocates by awarding federal contracts and creating a regulatory environment that ensures profitability for these firms. This cycle perpetuates a system where the interests of profit and power often overshadow the critical need for accountability and ethical governance.

The Global Arms Trade: Top Exporters and Importers (2020–2024)

The international arms trade remains dominated by a few powerful states, with the United States and Western European nations accounting for 73% of all arms exports in 2020–2024. According to the latest data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), significant shifts have occurred due to the war in Ukraine and regional tensions.

The Five Largest Arms Exporters (2020–2024):

  1. United States: The undisputed leader, accounting for 43% of global exports, a 21% increase from the previous five-year period. Its primary recipients were Saudi Arabia (12%), Ukraine (9.3%), and Japan (8.8%).
  2. France: Moved into the second position with a 9.6% share. Its largest customer was India, which received 28 % of French exports.
  3. Russia: Its exports plummeted by 64%, dropping its global share to 7.8%. Its main recipients remained India (38%), China (17%), and Kazakhstan (11%).
  4. China: Accounted for 5.9% of the global total, with a staggering 63% of its exports delivered to Pakistan.
  5. Germany: Held a 5.6% share, with its top recipients being Ukraine (19%), Egypt (19%), and Israel (11%).

The Five Largest Arms Importers (2020–2024):

  1. Ukraine: Became the world’s largest importer following the 2022 invasion, with its imports increasing by over 9,600% to reach an 8.8% global share.
  2. India: The world’s second-largest importer with an 8.3 % share, primarily sourcing from Russia, though it is increasingly shifting toward Western suppliers like France and the U.S..
  3. Qatar: Imports rose by 127 %, accounting for 6.8 % of global imports.
  4. Saudi Arabia: Also held a 6.8 % share, despite a 41 % decrease in volume from 2015–2019.
  5. Pakistan: Accounted for 4.6 % of global imports, with 81 % of its supply coming from China.

The Myth of Diplomatic Leverage and the Reality of Blowback

Defence proponents argue that arms exports provide “leverage” to shape the behaviour of foreign regimes. However, empirical studies—including those from the Cato Institute—reveal that threats to withhold exports rarely change state behaviour. Instead, the U.S. maintains a rigid, almost pathological consistency in its exports. While Russia’s arms transfer patterns dropped to 22% after the Cold War as they abandoned ideological “dead weight,” U.S. patterns remained 89% consistent. The U.S. simply cannot stop selling.

This rigidity creates “blowback” of a lethal variety. When the U.S. floods unstable regions with hardware, the equipment inevitably drifts. In 2014, ISIS seized enough U.S. equipment from the Iraqi army to arm three full divisions, including heavy hardware like Humvees and howitzers. Furthermore, a study of ammunition in ISIS-controlled territory found that 20% of it was of U.S. origin. We aren’t just arming allies; we are pre-supplying our future adversaries.

The security establishment relies on three broad arguments to justify this risk:

  • Security: Strengthening allies to deter local adversaries.
  • Leverage: Gaining influence over the recipient’s foreign policy choices.
  • Interoperability: Ensuring base access and compatibility with U.S. troop deployments.

Defence “Offsets”—The Secret Sweeteners of Corruption

“Defence Offsets” are the dark matter of the global arms trade—side deals and sweeteners that function as massive conduits for corruption. These obligations, totaling between $3 billion and $7 billion annually, require U.S. firms to reinvest in the purchasing country’s economy.

In Saudi Arabia and the UAE, these deals are shrouded in secrecy, with “beneficial owners” of receiving firms kept hidden. These offsets also fund “soft influence” campaigns. For example, Michael Chertoff and the Chertoff Group used their insider status to advocate for full-body scanners, representing a clear conflict of interest where policy was shaped by corporate clients. Similarly, offset funds have been funnelled through local think tanks to U.S. institutions to lobby for the loosening of drone export restrictions.

Pathways to Influence: The “Iron Triangle”

The MIC operates through an “iron triangle” linking the defence industry, federal elected officials, and the defence bureaucracy. This dependency is sustained through several key pathways:

  • Lobbying and Campaign Finance: The return on investment for industry influence is staggering; for every dollar defence companies spend on lobbying, they earn an estimated $1,813 in Pentagon contracts. Lobbying creates a “vetocracy,” allowing concentrated economic interests to block any legislative reforms that might threaten profits.
  • The Revolving Door: This high-speed engine between the Pentagon and K Street allows retired military and government officials to monetise their access. In 2018 alone, the top 20 defence contractors hired former officials in at least 645 instances. Notable examples include Lloyd Austin, who moved from the Raytheon board to Secretary of Defence, and James Mattis, who held industry-linked roles.
  • Defence Offsets: These are “sweeteners” or side deals required by purchasing countries that act as massive conduits for corruption. In Saudi Arabia and the UAE, these deals are shrouded in secrecy, with the “beneficial owners” of receiving firms often hidden.

The Consequences: Perpetual War and “Blowback”

The drive for “perpetual war” represents perpetual profits for the MIC. This war-dependent economy views the defence industry as a “natural resource” that cannot be allowed to fail. However, the human and strategic costs are severe:

  • Fueling Humanitarian Crises: American weaponry has been used extensively in the war in Yemen, linked to the bombing of school buses, weddings, and apartments.
  • The Reality of Blowback: Flooding unstable regions with hardware often leads to equipment drifting into the hands of adversaries. In 2014, ISIS seized enough U.S. equipment from the Iraqi army to arm three full divisions.
  • The Myth of Leverage: While proponents argue arms sales provide diplomatic leverage, empirical studies show that threats to withhold exports rarely change the behaviour of repressive regimes. The U.S. maintains a rigid consistency in its exports (89%), suggesting it simply cannot stop selling.

The Need for Structural Reform

True reform requires more than just limiting lobbying; it necessitates decoupling economic survival from the production of conflict. Recommendations include establishing a “Defence Exports Czar” on the National Security Council, moving oversight to the State Department to prioritize diplomacy over profits, and outlawing “dark money” contributions from the defence sector. Without these changes, the “iron triangle” risks becoming too heavy for the Republic to carry.

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